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Protestantism (Historical Dictionary of Cultural and Queyras)


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About Queyrassins Protestantism, some questions remain unanswered, it is possible to exhibit, but it must be easy to decide. Queyras Why did he become a Protestant? The question should be posed to the extent that the factors that led to the Reformation in Europe, namely the wealth of the Church, the corruption of some of the clergy, forgetting the Gospel message, were less widespread than elsewhere in the Queyras.

The development of Protestantism, it seems, was prepared by the Waldensian heretics who spread in the Dauphine and settled in the Piedmont valleys contiguous shelter and Ristolas. The Waldensians who were also called the poor of Lyons were supporters of Peter Valdes or Waldo, hence their name is drawn. As they thought that the laity could administer themselves communities, they refused to obey the clergy. Heretics, they were hunted down. According to Jean Tivollier, archives dating from 1339 attest that "few of the Queyras Waldenses were arrested and confined in the castle of Briançon ( The Queyras, Volume II, p 369).

Queyrassins How have they joined the Reformation? Historians believe that the majority of the population has joined the new religion. In 1660, at Abriès, whose population reached nearly 1800 people, Catholics represented only fifteen families, or about 75 to 100 people (less than 10% of the population). Other villages were Protestants and 80%. Only hamlets Corner, Common Molines, and Shoes, municipality of Château-Queyras, remained in full Catholics and Ceillac, part of 1'Embrunais.

what extent membership in the new cult was it the fact of free will of the people? The question must be asked. Recall that the Protestant troops were superior in number and they occupied the valley. In these circumstances it is easy to put pressure on reluctant and lukewarm. Four centuries after the events, it is impossible to probe the hearts and minds in deciding whether Queyrassins have switched voluntarily or not the Reformation. Became Protestant, the valley has been divided into three parishes Arvieux, Molines and shelter. It is little less than when it is returned Catholic. Was it due to lack of pastors or churches, or the desire to bring the faithful to better control them?

What else does Protestantism? In the eighteenth century, some Protestants, who had not fled abroad or who had not abjured, continued to celebrate their faith clandestinely in the hamlets of the commune of shelter and in the valley and Molines Arvieux . Like other Protestants of the kingdom, they practiced what is called the cult of the desert in a clearing in a meadow or withdrawn. Two years before the Revolution, in 1787, freedom of worship was restored, a Reformed congregation was reconstituted in Arvieux, with annexes in Saint-Veran and Fontgillarde. But in the valley of the Guil, to Ristolas, shelter, Needles, Old Town, it seems clear that Protestantism who was triumphant for over a century has disappeared. In every valley of Queyras, were erected everywhere small religious buildings, often very moving, such as crosses, shrines, chapels, which are the visible signs of Catholicism victorious. The question that arises is: the innumerable small buildings are they signs of a true faith, free and serene? Or do they result from the willingness of authorities to strengthen, making it visible, a hesitant faith and erase any trace of deviation, whether Protestant or revolutionary?

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Prosperity on (historical and cultural dictionary)

Prosperity (relative)

All Queyrassins elderly now enjoy the same standard of living, mutatis mutandis, as other French remember the difficult times of their youth and of those, harder still, as their ancestors have experiences, they talk about frugal meal what they were sentenced each day, many of bread, soup in the morning and evening milk soup, apples potatoes and bacon, the same clothes they wore long; shoes they were shod to wear through the sole, the little money they earned, food shortages, etc..
past century and a half, those who write about the Queyras insist on poverty or the misery of the peasants of these mountain valleys. Based on what they read in old chronicles, including the famous transitons Molines, Pierre-Grosse, Fontgillarde, or signatures Prosecutors Arvieux, they sometimes reduce the life of these high valleys to the long list disasters of all kinds who beat, with epidemics plague, floods, weather, wolves, fires, avalanches, frosts and famines, plus the wars and their consequences, destruction of property, dead men, the presence of enemy troops or allies that had to be fed, thus giving the impression that Queyras had fallen to the lot only misfortune. General A. William has even subtitled his admirable book The Queyras "splendor and agony of high Alpine valley, splendours returning to the landscape, the ordeal for the inhabitants.
This is not to dispute these facts. Obviously, the agro-pastoral economy, which served for centuries the basis for the Queyras, suffered a deep crisis, which still continues today, so that this economy survives on public aid and the country has become bankrupt if this economy had not been replaced by tourism, a kind of vast mountainous desert. Yet it would be a mistake to project in a relatively distant past - say, the fourteenth to the eighteenth century - an economic crisis that characterized the nineteenth and twentieth century The past is not necessarily a reflection of our present or the distant past than the recent past. The crisis of the agro-pastoral economy, following which the Queyrassins became poorer and have had their standard of living deteriorate, erupted in the years 1830-1850 and was manifested by a decrease in the price of cheese, butter, calves and lambs, the sale produced the main farmers' income breeders Queyras.
It has not always been so. Indeed, an objective analysis suggests that for several centuries until the beginning of the XIXth, Queyras's economy was relatively prosperous (relatively, that is to say relative to other regions Farm South of France) and the Queyrassins enjoyed a relatively high standard of living. Many facts testify to this. There is talk among Top authors Charter of Liberties, granted by the Ruler of the Dauphiné (the Dauphin Humbert II) in 1343 to residents of the five escartons Brianconnais. It was not by greatness of spirit that the Dauphin granted these freedoms, but well understood by financial interest and because, as a result of the many wars that had opposed the Kingdom of Savoy, being short of money, bankruptcy threatened his state. If Queyrassins paid the charter is clear that they were able to ensure their daily survival and could spend the rest of their income to buy these freedoms, which assured them of new revenue and allowed them considering large investments, especially using water from streams to dig canals to irrigate and run the mills.
Looking at marriage contracts and wills of a strict economic point of view, as did a very enlightening Ms. Rosenberg, it is no doubt that Queyrassins, without rolling on gold property course, derived from their activities income which were not negligible. In the eighteenth century, Abriès account daily, that is to say, agricultural workers paid by the day. Throughout the South of France, the legacy of these tools consists of daily (false, rakes, shovels, sickles, hammers, knives, etc.).. It is different in Queyras, where day laborers are not a rural underclass. They married, and acquire property; they write wills. In 1748, one of them, shelter, bequeathed to each of his children, boys and girls, and his grandchildren amounts ranging from 9 to 80 pounds (80 pounds since then the annual salary of a schoolmaster). It is a large estate, which, no doubt, is less than that of peasant proprietors - which explains, among other reasons that so many notaries have been able to maintain a study into the smallest village in the Queyras (There was one in two to Ristolas and shelter) - and important point: at a time, until the Revolution, the birthright governing succession, all children of a deceased person, regardless either sex were entitled to a share of the inheritance. The engineers of the royal armies, and the Blottière Ricord, who have long resided in the high valleys in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century, were surprised to find that Queyrassins enjoyed relative prosperity. Harriet Rosenberg's often quoted in A Negotiated World.
Finally, as the last indicator relative prosperity, we must include instruction early and massive Queyrassins men and women, from the XVI th century (and perhaps before). This is an exceptional situation in southern France, and often even better than in rich and prosperous cities of the Paris basin.
course, this was relative prosperity. In other words, it is real only if it is compared to the situation in other rural areas. Living conditions in the Queyras were long (up to early nineteenth s) less bad than elsewhere in southern and western France - which explains, among other causes of population growth. In all campaigns ancien regime, the rule was the rent or sharecropping or wage labor. Farmers cultivating land that does not belong to them. They lived in hovels in which they did not own. Livestock they raised was the herd of another. In Queyras, it was different. Almost all residents were homeowners, which explains, among other factors, the phenomenon of permanent emigration was rare before 1830. They owned land, their homes, their tools and livestock, sheep and cattle, mule. Forests, meadows, steep slopes formed the commons that people managed themselves. Furnaces and mills were public goods. All this represented a capital which has a value and generated income.