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Prosperity on (historical and cultural dictionary)

Prosperity (relative)

All Queyrassins elderly now enjoy the same standard of living, mutatis mutandis, as other French remember the difficult times of their youth and of those, harder still, as their ancestors have experiences, they talk about frugal meal what they were sentenced each day, many of bread, soup in the morning and evening milk soup, apples potatoes and bacon, the same clothes they wore long; shoes they were shod to wear through the sole, the little money they earned, food shortages, etc..
past century and a half, those who write about the Queyras insist on poverty or the misery of the peasants of these mountain valleys. Based on what they read in old chronicles, including the famous transitons Molines, Pierre-Grosse, Fontgillarde, or signatures Prosecutors Arvieux, they sometimes reduce the life of these high valleys to the long list disasters of all kinds who beat, with epidemics plague, floods, weather, wolves, fires, avalanches, frosts and famines, plus the wars and their consequences, destruction of property, dead men, the presence of enemy troops or allies that had to be fed, thus giving the impression that Queyras had fallen to the lot only misfortune. General A. William has even subtitled his admirable book The Queyras "splendor and agony of high Alpine valley, splendours returning to the landscape, the ordeal for the inhabitants.
This is not to dispute these facts. Obviously, the agro-pastoral economy, which served for centuries the basis for the Queyras, suffered a deep crisis, which still continues today, so that this economy survives on public aid and the country has become bankrupt if this economy had not been replaced by tourism, a kind of vast mountainous desert. Yet it would be a mistake to project in a relatively distant past - say, the fourteenth to the eighteenth century - an economic crisis that characterized the nineteenth and twentieth century The past is not necessarily a reflection of our present or the distant past than the recent past. The crisis of the agro-pastoral economy, following which the Queyrassins became poorer and have had their standard of living deteriorate, erupted in the years 1830-1850 and was manifested by a decrease in the price of cheese, butter, calves and lambs, the sale produced the main farmers' income breeders Queyras.
It has not always been so. Indeed, an objective analysis suggests that for several centuries until the beginning of the XIXth, Queyras's economy was relatively prosperous (relatively, that is to say relative to other regions Farm South of France) and the Queyrassins enjoyed a relatively high standard of living. Many facts testify to this. There is talk among Top authors Charter of Liberties, granted by the Ruler of the Dauphiné (the Dauphin Humbert II) in 1343 to residents of the five escartons Brianconnais. It was not by greatness of spirit that the Dauphin granted these freedoms, but well understood by financial interest and because, as a result of the many wars that had opposed the Kingdom of Savoy, being short of money, bankruptcy threatened his state. If Queyrassins paid the charter is clear that they were able to ensure their daily survival and could spend the rest of their income to buy these freedoms, which assured them of new revenue and allowed them considering large investments, especially using water from streams to dig canals to irrigate and run the mills.
Looking at marriage contracts and wills of a strict economic point of view, as did a very enlightening Ms. Rosenberg, it is no doubt that Queyrassins, without rolling on gold property course, derived from their activities income which were not negligible. In the eighteenth century, Abriès account daily, that is to say, agricultural workers paid by the day. Throughout the South of France, the legacy of these tools consists of daily (false, rakes, shovels, sickles, hammers, knives, etc.).. It is different in Queyras, where day laborers are not a rural underclass. They married, and acquire property; they write wills. In 1748, one of them, shelter, bequeathed to each of his children, boys and girls, and his grandchildren amounts ranging from 9 to 80 pounds (80 pounds since then the annual salary of a schoolmaster). It is a large estate, which, no doubt, is less than that of peasant proprietors - which explains, among other reasons that so many notaries have been able to maintain a study into the smallest village in the Queyras (There was one in two to Ristolas and shelter) - and important point: at a time, until the Revolution, the birthright governing succession, all children of a deceased person, regardless either sex were entitled to a share of the inheritance. The engineers of the royal armies, and the Blottière Ricord, who have long resided in the high valleys in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century, were surprised to find that Queyrassins enjoyed relative prosperity. Harriet Rosenberg's often quoted in A Negotiated World.
Finally, as the last indicator relative prosperity, we must include instruction early and massive Queyrassins men and women, from the XVI th century (and perhaps before). This is an exceptional situation in southern France, and often even better than in rich and prosperous cities of the Paris basin.
course, this was relative prosperity. In other words, it is real only if it is compared to the situation in other rural areas. Living conditions in the Queyras were long (up to early nineteenth s) less bad than elsewhere in southern and western France - which explains, among other causes of population growth. In all campaigns ancien regime, the rule was the rent or sharecropping or wage labor. Farmers cultivating land that does not belong to them. They lived in hovels in which they did not own. Livestock they raised was the herd of another. In Queyras, it was different. Almost all residents were homeowners, which explains, among other factors, the phenomenon of permanent emigration was rare before 1830. They owned land, their homes, their tools and livestock, sheep and cattle, mule. Forests, meadows, steep slopes formed the commons that people managed themselves. Furnaces and mills were public goods. All this represented a capital which has a value and generated income.

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Minutes between communities (Historical Dictionary of Cultural and Queyras)

In his book A Negotiated World , Harriet Rosenberg, who studied the social and economic history of sheltered for three centuries, the sixteenth to the eighteenth century, highlights a trait that has long characterized public life in the Queyras and, she says, helps to define attitudes Queyrassins. This feature appears in the adjective Negotiated that translates as "compromise." In their history, Queyrassins have shown a penchant for negotiation not only in business affairs, but also to resolve disputes between families or to govern collective issues. Early literacy skills, they were very attached to the written law. The charter they signed in 1343 with the Dauphin and through which they negotiated by paying large civil liberties on a scale unknown elsewhere (see the articles "charters of freedom" and "charter of 1343) , certify that.

In the chapter "an incredible degree of vanity: institutions, politics and power," Ms. Rosenberg cites military engineers of Vauban or stewards of the kingdom, all of which in written reports or letters, attest to the fierce desire of Queyrassins to assert their rights, even indicating a public spirit that defines them as a "republic" almost independently.
However, if disputes have pitted seven communities in the administration of the kingdom or communities of Embrun (well, about the many bridges destroyed by floods Combe: who should have the burden of the remake? In "owners" Guillestre Queyrassins or users?), disputes have also opposed the communities, and that about the rights of each, Boundaries, grazing or affouage. One of the most common causes of conflict was the forest, about which communities would not hesitate to sue against each other long and costly trial, either because the negotiations could not lead to "compromise" or because the institutions of the escarton were unsuitable for resolving these conflicts, either because the interests involved were so strong that no compromise was possible. These facts show the boundaries of the wonderful view of Mrs. Rosenberg. The compromise, which she Queyras think he characterized the old regime, paused at the foot of the cliff of interest, only series of trials could reconcile in part.
The archives are full of Queyras minutes of these proceedings.

Historians - and especially Jean Claude Tivollier Isnel - have noted and quoted, without linking them with social structures and cultural attitudes. Let us recall a few. The
near Pra-Patris Riou and Forest Green are on the territory of the municipality of Ceillac at the municipal boundary of Guillestre Molines and Chateau-Ville-Vieille. The inhabitants of Molines were allowed to graze their livestock and cut wood. Ceillac, then, was not part of escarton Queyras, but depended Embrun. As the population grew steadily and missing land, countless conflicts involving livestock and property seized, erupted and lengthy trials have pitted the two communities of the fourteenth to the late eighteenth century. The forest of
Fusina, which is downstream of the Guardian Angel, which occupies the southern part of the common Arvieux, was "albergée" (as the word used in the contracts established in the late Middle Ages , that is to say, in French modern, "licensed") to the "community" of Saint-Veran (whose territory was - and still is - almost devoid of forests), who obtained the enjoyment in perpetuity. The residents of Chateau-Queyras, the village closest to the forest, felt robbed, challenged this "abergeage" and engaged in protracted trials so that their rights are restored to the forest.
Marassan Forest, one of the finest and oldest Queyras Ubacs covers the left bank of the Guil, between Shelter and Needles. It extends over the territories of the two municipalities, even if it occupies more hectares Abriès to Needles. For centuries the two communities came into conflict over the demarcation of their respective fields. The stakes were high. Which of the two communities were returning the timber, a source of significant revenues, and pasture in the forest? The first trial took place in 1387 and the last in 1834. The awards, which confirmed the rights of hands on part of the forest, were challenged by shelter, which gave rise to a new trial.

These facts are proved very important to understand what was and what he Queyras is still perhaps. First, although the folklorists of the late nineteenth century and first half of the twentieth have insisted on the abundant wealth of oral traditions, the Queyras is also a rural valley culture and written traditions, the two traditions oral and written, does not necessarily mutually exclusive. Secondly, these traditions are not only written literature or in connection with the early education and are also - and above - legal and had a duty to ensure the sustainability of the higher interests of the communities. Finally, we must keep idyllic visions of former escarton we can read here and there in the writings of local historians. Violent conflicts of interest between the communities have. This has resulted in strengthening the peculiarities of each, which allows, among other factors, to explain the persistent mistrust that characterizes relations sometimes necessary relationship between the Commons today. Solidarity between the communities was not as strong, serene and strong than is said and written here or there, so that when the negotiation fails, the disputes were brought before the justice of Dauphiné: that is, ultimately, that of the centralized state.